What I’ve Learned by Studying Diaries
Over the past two decades, many scholars have studied the nature
of the diary, the ways in which purpose and audience inform decisions that a
diarist makes, issues of authenticity, and the question of how a diary might
serve as a form of life writing. As
those who study diaries know, there are as many kinds of diaries as there are
diarists. A diary might be kept in a cloth‑bound book with lock and key, but
it might just as easily be kept in a spiral notebook, looseleaf paper, or on
the back sides of envelopes. Diaries also reflect different kinds of
authorship. Some diaries have individual authors and appear to have been
written for the diarist alone. Some diaries have individual authors but also
indicate that, besides the diarists themselves, selected family members or
friends are permitted to read entries in the diaries. Other diaries
illustrate multiple authorship of diary entries, sometimes over decades and
generations. Such diaries function as family or communal diaries‑‑texts
written as a family or community record and often preserved in private homes
as well as community archives.
Although not every diary was
or is kept on a day-to-day basis, diaries typically reflect the dailiness–the
ordinary, sometimes habitual, experiences of the diarist within the context of
family and friends. Patterns emerge in diaries, sometimes as the result of
the way in which the diary is formatted (e.g., a five-year diary measuring 4"
x 6" that permits the diarist to make one four-line entry per day), sometimes
as the result of the ways in which a diarist subverts a rigid format (e.g.,
writing outside the allotted number of lines, crossing out formatted dates) or
invents an individual format (e.g., sewing together 8" x 11" looseleaf pages
into a packet of diary pages or using unlined pages of varying sizes and
gathering them into a folder). It is the task of the careful reader to
observe how the diarist creates and maintains the text. By doing so, the
reader can “map” a diary and learn how a diarist works.
Several questions have guided my
own study of diaries over the past twenty years. Why do diaries have such
staying power? What makes them appealing to writers, young and old? What can
diaries help us appreciate about the lives and experiences of those
individuals who have kept them? What can diaries tell us, not only about the
reasons why individuals write in diaries but also about the reasons why they
(and others) preserve those diaries and make them available for others to read
and appreciate? What can diaries reveal about the ways in which rural girls
and women view themselves and/or portray themselves to others? By studying
more than 450 diaries written by girls and women living in Minnesota, Iowa,
and Wisconsin, I have arrived as the observations outlined below.
As I studied individuals’ diaries,
I became fascinated by the ways in which a diary might function as a friend or
confidante whom the writer can trust with her innermost feelings and secrets
at turning points in her life. Entries in the diary of Jennie Blair Andrews,
which she began keeping shortly after the death of her first child, illustrate
how her diary served this purpose. Jennie Blair was born on Jan. 12, 1851,
and married her husband, Orlando J. Andrews, on May 5, 1874. Shortly
thereafter, the young couple began farming near Ono in Union township, Pierce
County, Wisconsin, not far from River Falls.
Jennie Andrews’ first diary begins
on March 1, 1876, and it appears to have been occasioned by the death of
Jennie’s six-month-old son, Hiram Andrews, on February 26, 1876. The diary,
which measures 3" x 4", has no cover; it is constructed from a railroad
agent’s account book and has been hand-stitched. In this diary, which she
started only days after the death of her infant son, Hiram, Jennie Andrews
began to grieve and come to terms with her loss as she and her husband worked
hard to make a home. Most of the diary entries are short, descriptive
entries about daily work on the farm, visits from family and friends, and
bouts of illness; on occasion, however, the young mother’s sadness is
interspersed with her record of daily work and activities and with her
acknowledgment of loneliness and loss.
Wednesday, March 1, 1876. Striving to forget the crushing
sorrow of the past few days & begin a new journal. Sunday morning my darling
went up to Heaven. We layed him in the grave Monday afternoon. I am alone
today. Have been gathering up his little things that I may not see them. The
gentle wind seems to say gone gone. Good bye my darling pet. By the help of
God I’ll meet you above.
March 2, 1876. Pleasant day. I made a combcase and part of frame.
Friday, March
3, 1876. I washed all my dirty white clothes. Orlando worked for Mr.
Brisbine for Shaker. Lonesome afternoon.
Saturday, March
4, 1876. I went to Irenes & O & Albert went up to Rock Elm to buy seed
wheat. I walked to the corners & got a ride with a wheat team. got their
seed wheat for 95 cts. Per bu. O took the stove top to get straightened.
Orlando came home & fetched in the clothes & brought the plow & stove piece &
came home with Albert. Brought me a new black calico dress. We had squirel
at Irenes. Albert brought us home.
Sunday night. How lonesome. Stove top did not fit good.
Monday, March
6, 1876. O started for Decks corners with the stove top & left me in bed.
got home 12 o’clock, snowing fast. Stove top fited little better. O brought
drag teeth & payed Doctor bill. Albert Baker & wife came in afternoon. A.S.
Brought them over from his house.
Tuesday, March
7, 1876. Pleasant I baked bread Al & Milda went home after dinner. I made
yeast. Sent letters to me & to Mich.
Wednesday,
March 8, 1876. I washed calico clothes in forenoon, baked cookies & moped &
sprinkled clothes in afternoon. O cut & hauled barn logs. Cloudy & windy.
Mr. Shafer came in the even to get him to work in Brisbines Mill for him
tomorrow.
Thursday, March
9, 1876. Alone all day. Uncle S & Aunt Lib went to Ellsworth. We sent our
deed & assignment & satisfaction to be recorded. I ironed, & layed away my
little Angel’s clothes.
This volume of Jennie Andrews’
diary continues for over a year as she describes rigorous daily work on the
farm, interspersed with visits to and from family and friends. As later
diaries and family papers reveal, Jennie and Orlando Andrews became the
parents of three more children: Edna, Sarah, and Ward. Jennie Blair Andrews
died on October 10, 1900, at the age of forty-nine. In 1985, Jennie’s diaries
were donated to the University of Wisconsin-River Falls Area Research Center
by Samuel Gerrish, a descendant of Edna Andrews Gerrish (Jennie’s
daughter). The original manuscript of Jennie Blair Andrews’ 1876 diary is
housed in the archives of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin Area
Research Center in River Falls, Wisconsin.
Sometimes a diarist’s encoding strategy consists of creating very
short, simple diary entries that conceal as much as they reveal. In A Women’s
Diaries Miscellany (1989), Jane DuPree Begos explains, “Many people consider
this type of diary dull because there is so little of the diarist in them.
But these ‘dull’ diaries can be chock full of information for social and
public historians. They deserve a careful reading, because they can tell us
very much indeed about how people lives in earlier times. They give us a
sense of the seasons and how time was used. They tell us about place, either
a specific house or a locale, both important in historic recreations” (i).
The diary of Iowa farm woman
Maranda J. Cline illustrates such strategies, both in the entries made by
Maranda herself and those made in the same diary by her daughter, Bertie
Shellady, in the days following her mother’s death. Patricia Lorentzen, who
is the granddaughter of Maranda J. Cline and who has possession of her
grandmother’s diary, describes the diary in this way: “ . . . The ‘Journal’ is
a cloth-bound book with leather corner tips on the cover . . . Some of the
pages are ragged and worn on the edges with some of the text missing. The
diary is basically a line-a-day matter of fact recitation of events, and there
appear to me to be no indications of emotion. Births, deaths, killings, etc.
all seem to be mentioned in equally non-colored language” (Personal
correspondence, 2).
Like many farm women’s diaries, the
one kept by Maranda J. Cline reflects its writer’s limited formal education in
its fluid sentence structure, spelling, capitalization, and punctuation. This
diary, kept by hand in a large notebook and based on the “line a day”
principle, may require what Elizabeth Hampsten, in Read This Only to Yourself:
The Private Writings of Midwestern Women, 1880-1920 (1982), has called a
“special inventive patience” for readers, who must pay attention not only to
what is on the lines but also to what is between the lines. The spare style
found in the diary of Maranda Cline says very little directly but implies a
great deal about the nature of the hard life that she faced in her later
years:
December 1906
1 Mrs. Henry
Eirhart Died yesterday at 10 oclock
2 a cloudy Day but
sunshined at 3 an warmed the air
5 I fetched my Bed
down stairs
6 I sent to Ward
Montgomery & Co for 3 pair of skates
7 George Emmons
was struck with palsy
8 Our Bazar was
held in Hirts Hall we cleared 111
12 Jo Stover bete
Cox in the stud horse trial
13 the indevering
Society had a play an cleared 35.23
14 Knox sawed 1 ½
hours wood for me to burn in the kitchen
15 I put 100 dollars
in the Bank at Iowa City
18 Charles Mancer
finished laying the Blocks of stone for his house
19 Schmiah Snair had
a sale an wil move to Kalona
22 Cousin George
Browns Daughter Lulu Died
23 the Iowa River
froze over in many places
24 I caught a mink
in my buggy shed
25 Christmas I eat
oysters an turke at Visa McLaughlins
26 I went to Robs,
Herbert Ashdown moved in Hills
28 Malinda Cline
Flakes Baly Died at 3 to Day
January 1907
1 Jos Stovers an
Knox Clines Eat dinner with me
4 I paid Rev Luce
the last $2.00 of my 10 dollars subscription
5
6
Bertie G.
Shellady fell Earr to this book. I came posessor of Mothers dira Jan. 23,
1907.
7 took Berdett
Stover to Hospital at Iowa City
8 Mother went up
to J. E. Stovers to help care for Ira
9 Rob an I went up
to Joe’s in afternoon to see Ira
10 Mother took
Pluracy. I went up next morning to Joe Stovers
11 Bertie to see
Mother the Dr. to see Miscas baby an Mother
12 I come home,
Blanche and Cloyd to Iowa City to see Berdett S.
13 we to church
14 Mother took worse
15 I went back to
stay with Mother, stayed untill she died
16
17 Berdett got into
Iowa City at 9 oclock at night
18 Berdett and uncle
Fred come to see Mother out at Joe Stovers
19 Aunt Moll Cline
come to J. Stover, Rob Blanche and Cloyd to Joes
20 Mother died 23
minutes of 9 oclock Sunday morning at J. Stovers
21 Uncle Fred Fesler
Aunt Mollie Cline Berdett Cline Bertie Shellady and Children all
stayed at
Mothers house in Hills untill after Mothers funeral.
22 buried Mother
23 Divided Mothers
bedclothes Berdett, Misca and Bertie
24 Berdett went to
Iowa City came back at night
25
26 Sold Mothers
house and Houshold goods, house $905.00, Goods $80.00
27 Uncle Fred
Fessler hear, Berdett went to Hills
28 Apointed Berdett
adm of Mother Est. Berdett went to Aitkin
29
30 put up Ice at
Chas Shelladys job, Earl Bryant and Bertie
31 John Douglas
killed at lone tree
Even in a diary as minimal as the one
kept by Maranda J. Cline, patterns emerge. Her spelling and punctuation were
irregular, reflecting the lack of formal education to which most
nineteenth-century rural American women had access when they were girls. During
the last month of her life, Maranda J. Cline kept up her interest in community
activities, recording several in her diary. More important, she continued
caring for her family. The blank spaces for the days immediately preceding her
death are then explained by her daughter, Bertie, who recorded the death of her
mother and the transfer in ownership of the diary by writing: “I came posessor
of Mothers dira Jan. 23, 1907.” The dividing of Maranda’s possessions and the
sale of her house and goods marked not only the conclusion of her life but also
the conclusion of her diary.
How much of the diarist’s
story is written in her diary is a critical question to be explored by those who
study diaries. In my introduction to Diaries of Girls and Women: a
Midwestern American Sampler (2001), I ask, “Can any diary, edited or
unexpurgated, tell the whole story about an individual's life?” When I began
editing The Diary of Caroline Seabury, 1854-1863 (1991), fifteen years ago, I
knew that I wanted my edition to include every word written during the
nine-year-period during the Civil War era when Caroline Seabury kept her diary
while teaching at a female academy in Columbus, Mississippi. The impetus for
Caroline’s starting the diary was her arrival in the South to accept a position
teaching French and Shakespeare to the daughters of wealthy white plantation
owners. Not long after Caroline accepted her position at the Columbus Female
Institute in the fall of 1854, her younger sister Martha joined her in Columbus.
The sisters chose a leather-bound notebook and recorded their intention of
keeping a collaborative diary, with Caroline recording events and feelings that
the sisters thought would serve in later years to jog their memories of life in
“the Sunny South.”
The Seabury sisters’ initial naivete
about the realities of life in the slaveholding South was soon displaced in
diary entries by stories of human beings beaten and sold from one slave owner to
another. Martha Seabury, having fallen victim to the family disease of
consumption (tuberculosis), died in 1858, leaving her older sister Caroline to
carry on alone. Caroline continued writing in her diary through the beginning
of the Civil War in 1861 until shortly after the Battle of Vicksburg in July
1863, at which point she was able to secure passage back to the North on a boat
taking Union soldiers up the Mississippi River.
Caroline Seabury’s 180-page
manuscript diary fascinated me. How did it ever end up in the Minnesota
Historical Society (MHS) archives, given that Caroline had been a native of
Massachusetts and had gone directly from New England to Mississippi? Once I'd
had the chance to study the MHS acquisition file on Caroline's diary, I learned
that the MHS had accepted the diary for its archives back in the early 1950s
because the diary had been written by the sister of Channing Seabury, the man
who had chaired the commission that had built the Minnesota State Capitol. The
acquisition file indicated that an archivist at the MHS had declined to accept
other artifacts found in Caroline Seabury's trunk when the family home in St.
Paul was cleaned out and sold sixty years after her death in 1893. These
artifacts, including a hand-sewn Union flag that had been instrumental in
helping Caroline escape from the South following the Battle of Vicksburg in
1863, were not deemed important enough to add to the MHS collections.
I wondered whether other volumes of
Caroline's diary had been deemed unimportant, either by archivists or family
members, and then discarded? This diary was the only one extant in the Channing
Seabury Family Papers at the Minnesota Historical Society (MHS), yet I suspected
that it might not have been the only diary that Caroline Seabury had ever
kept. When I approached a publisher with the typescript I had prepared from
Caroline Seabury’s manuscript diary, I made the case for including the entire
diary in the edition that I wanted to prepare. Fortunately, the publisher
agreed, and The Diary of Caroline Seabury, 1854-1863 was published by the
University of Wisconsin Press.
As I transcribed the handwritten
diary into double-spaced, typed format, I also turned my attention to locating
background information about Caroline Seabury, her family, and her possible
heirs. Soon I made contact with Caroline’s ninety-eight-year-old niece, Edyth
Seabury Nye, the daughter of Caroline’s younger brother, Channing Seabury.
Edyth, who had been born in St. Paul, had returned to the family’s New England
roots in North Chatham, MA. When I wrote to Edyth Nye, asking her permission to
publish an edition of her aunt’s diary, I was not prepared for her reply: she
wrote to tell me that she had had no idea that a diary even existed. After all,
her aunt Caroline had died in 1893, a few years before Edyth’s birth. The only
thing Edyth knew was that a large trunk had been stored in the attic of the
family’s St. Paul, for many years. Edyth’s mother told her that the trunk had
belonged to her deceased aunt, Caroline. Not only was Edyth delighted to learn
of the existence of Caroline’s diary, she welcomed its eventual publication; and
she provided much background on her Seabury ancestry to be used in the
introduction to the book.
As I worked on my edition of Caroline
Seabury’s diary, I realized that I would need to explain the principles
according to which I had edited the diary for publication. In addition to
explaining that I had included every word the diarist had written, I needed to
provide answers to other potential questions that readers might raise. There
are two key questions to answer for readers when one is doing editorial
intervention: 1) when should the editor retain the spelling (or the misspelling)
of the diarist, and 2) when should the editor correct it? As I explained in my
introduction, I favored the retention of the diarist’s spellings, even when/if
they are misspellings, rather than the insertion of bracketed versions of
corrected spellings. Why? Because these interventions intrude upon the
diarist’s text and run counter to the editor’s desire to be as unobtrusive as
possible.
Other key editorial principles which
I addressed in my introduction to Caroline Seabury’s diary included such matters
as 1) the principle governing the use of original punctuation and capitalization
used by the diarist, including the use of dashes in lieu of commas or periods
and the use of lowercase letters at the beginning of sentences; 2) the principle
governing the use of ellipses at the end of an entry to denote the deletion of
one or more entire entries, and the use of ellipses within an entry to denote
the deletion of a portion of a specific diary entry. (If no ellipses are used
in this edition of the diary, the reader will assume that every word written by
the diarist is included. If this is the case, it’s worth noting.); 3) the
principle governing consistent dating of each entry by month, day, and year,
placing this information directly before each diary entry; 4) the principle
governing the uses of brackets within diary entries to clarify dates and to note
illegible words as well as the uses of bracketed information to offer
definitions. I realized that such editorial matters might not interest most
readers; at the same time, however, I knew that readers who had edited diaries
themselves would expect to have such information provided by the editor of
Caroline’s diary.
In addition to learning a great deal
about the lives of diarists who lived long before I was born, I’ve also learned
some things about diaries being kept by Midwestern girls and women right now–at
the very end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first
century. A substantial portion of this interest is linked to the recent
explosion of communication via electronic media. Paradoxically, although I have
continued to keep a diary without interruption for more than thirty-five years,
it did not occur to me to ask other contemporary diarists whether I might look
into their diaries until a few years ago, when an undergraduate student at
Minnesota State University undertook an independent study project with me.
Carol Johnson told me that she had been keeping a diary for many years, and
together we worked out a project during which she would reread a number of her
old diaries, select excerpts from them, word-process those excerpts, and write
an analysis of patterns in them, viewed from the perspective of some distance
and time. As Carol and I discussed patterns she had noticed in her diaries, I
began rereading my old diaries in a more systematic and thorough way than I had
done before, and my interest in what other girls and women might be doing in
their diaries right now came into focus.
My diaries project soon became a
family project as well as a professional project. I talked with my daughter,
Rachel, and several of her friends, all thirteen-year-old girls who were
interested in my research and who offered to share selections from their diaries
with me. Two of the girls, Megan and Alena, were keeping diaries at home,
while the other two, Mary and Rachel, were keeping “response journals” as part
of their work in their seventh-grade English class. All four girls lent me
their diaries so that I could read their entries; then each girl and I selected
the diary entries to contribute to the book.
About the same time, I began regular
e-mail correspondence with family members. In one e-mail, I talked about my
plans for Diaries of Girls and Women. Soon my sister Linda Kennedy
replied to my e-mail, offering to send me her old one-year diary, the one she
had begun keeping just when I began keeping my first diary. Linda also
mentioned that her thirteen-year-old daughter Megan had been keeping diaries for
several years and would like to e-mail me some excerpts for this book. Next my
sister-in-law Barbara Ahrens Bunkers e-mailed me that her two daughters,
fifteen-year-old Kim and twelve-year-old Kelly, had also been keeping diaries
and that they were interested in e-mailing me selections from their diaries to
include in my book. Barb added that her mother, Juanita Ahrens, had kept a
diary for many years and that Juanita also still had the diaries written by her
mother-in-law, Ruby Ahrens, dating back to the 1940s. Soon Juanita Ahrens and
I were in touch, and within a week Juanita had e-mailed me selections not only
from her own diary but also from her mother-in-law, Ruby Ahrens’, diary, kept
during World War II while she and her husband were young Iowa farmers.
Soon I recognized that, as the editor
of Diaries of Girls and Women, my most difficult role was that of “The
Excisor”–the individual who must delete individual diary entries (and sometimes
entire diarists) from the planned collection, in accordance with the contractual
agreement limiting the finished book to 450 pages. Four years ago, when I began
to merge all of the individual diarists’ files that I had diligently transcribed
and put onto disk, I had no idea that my first draft of the manuscript would
come to over 1100 pages. So the next step was to pare down the manuscript from
1100 to 550 double-spaced pages, from fifty-nine diarists to forty-six
diarists. Doing so meant becoming highly selective about how much or each
diarist’s work could be included. At most, I could offer readers snapshots of
individual diarists’ lives.
That is why I concluded my introduction to the collection by asking,
“Can any diary, edited or unexpurgated, tell the whole story of an individual’s
life? I do not believe so, for the simple reason that no text can tell the
whole story of an individual’s life” (31-32). I explained that “each chapter of
this anthology presents selections from, or moments in, a wide range of
diaries”; and I noted that I had “tried to select examples that would
demonstrate the range of each diarist’s interests and feelings and that would
give readers a good feel for the overall nature of the entire diary” (32).
Finally, I asked readers of the anthology to remember that “what is included
here is not intended to represent either an entire diary or an entire life”
(32). It seems to me that this admonition also serves as an appropriate way for
me to conclude this essay.