Introduction to the
collection, Diaries of Girls and Women:
"My journal was and
is the safe and cherishing container in which I can be
any part of myself
that needs to voice whoever she is in whatever words."
--Marion Woodman
"Dear Diary"
Marion Woodman’s observation about the
value of keeping a diary or journal speaks to me on two levels. First, it
resonates with my knowledge of diaries kept by midwestern girls and women
living in Minnesota, Iowa, and Wisconsin during the past 150 years. This
book is based on my study of more than four hundred such diaries–some kept
only briefly, others kept during an entire lifetime; some written as the
intensely private record of a life, others written to tell the story of an
entire family–stories meant to be saved and appreciated by future
generations.
Second, Woodman’s observation resonates
with my own experience as a diarist during a forty-year period. In my attic
study are approximately one hundred volumes of diaries that I have been
keeping since 1970. Before then I wrote in three earlier diaries that I kept
between 1960 and 1968, from my tenth to eighteenth years, when I was growing
up in Granville, Iowa. When I found my girlhood and adolescent diaries in my
mother’s attic several years ago, I sneaked them downstairs and locked
myself in the bathroom, where (just as I had done many years before) I spent
hours poring over individual diary entries I had made.
My first diary is still my favorite. It
is a one-year diary, about four inches by six inches, with one page of
nineteen lines) per day, and with each day’s date printed at the top of that
page. Even though it was a one-year diary, I quickly subverted that format
and made it last for a number of years by writing only half-page entries one
year, then writing the next year’s entry for that same date on the bottom
half of each page. I didn’t write in my diary every day, however. Sometimes
a week or a month would go by without my making a single entry. A few years
later, even though I was officially keeping a five-year diary, I would go
back to my original one-year diary and use its blank pages to write about
experiences whose recounting required more space than the four lines
allocated for each entry in my five-year diary.
The words, My Diary, are
imprinted on my first diary’s aqua faux leather cover, which features an
illustration of a teenaged girl and boy strolling arm in arm past a football
stadium. The boy, who wears royal blue slacks and a white sweater, carries a
tennis racquet. The girl, who wears white shorts, a red sweater, and
chartreuse knee-highs that match her chartreuse blouse, bounces a tennis
ball. They smile, serenely in love. As a girl, I found this cover
illustration romantic and exotic, for I lived in an Iowa town of fewer than
four hundred. We had no tennis courts, let alone a football stadium.
My first diary has a clasp with its own
lock and a key. Today, however, the key has disappeared, and the clasp is
held together with masking tape, not because it has worn out but because
once, more than thirty years ago, a younger sibling (rumored to be my sister
Linda) took our mother’s scissors and snipped the clasp of my diary. When I
tell people about this desperate act, they usually gasp (unless they have
done the same thing themselves). Then I hasten to mention that I could
hardly hold this act against my sister because (truth be told) I used to
read her diary, too. We had identical diaries; mine was blue, and Linda’s
was red. We received our first diaries for Christmas in 1960, when I was ten
and she was eight. My first diary entry reads: "December 24, 1960. Dear
Diary, Am very happy with all my gifts. Some are Diary, Barbie Doll,
nightgown, slippers, scarf, Bad Minten set, pencil sharpener, candy from
Dad’s patrons on the mailroute, & perfume. All for now. –Susie" My sister’s
first diary entry is a bit more somber. It reads: "December 24, 1960. Dear
Diary, today I got colorforms, Barbie doll and more things. I began to get
the Christmas spirit after all."
Throughout our girlhoods my sister and
I shared a bedroom, and each of us kept her diary in her underwear drawer.
It wasn’t unusual for us to lie on our double bed at night, writing in our
diaries before putting them away, saying our prayers, and going to sleep.
Sometimes we recorded daily events, noting birthdays and anniversaries along
with school assignments and visits with friends. Other times we recorded our
trials and tribulations. At the end of her first week of diary keeping,
Linda complained: "December 30, 1960. Dear Diary, Today Kathy and Christy
will come. Mommy says get up and work. You didn’t help once a week. But
Mommy just makes it up. We are rilly working hard." As the new year began,
Linda wrote a series of short descriptive entries that reflect events in the
daily life of an eight-year-old:
January 17, 1961. Dear Diary, Today I
saw a satellate out side. It looked just like a star. The satellate was
called Echo.
January 18, 1961. Dear Diary, I wrote
a pome in school today. Sister said it was very good.
January 19, 1961. Dear Diary, today I
will get my pome up on the board by 5ed grades room. It’s very cold and
I got to stay up till 10:30 because there was no school.
January 20, 1961. Dear Diary, today I
am going to watch the inauguration. It begins at 10:00 and last to 3:00
this afternoon. I think she [Jacqueline Kennedy] is over done.
January 22, 1961. I like Frank now. Not for real!
After penning these entries, Linda
stopped writing in her diary for six months; when she resumed, it was
summer, and her life had a different rhythm: "July 30, 1961. Dear Diary,
Today I went to Mary’s farm and got some cattails. We played with the cats
and rode ponys. There dog came with us everywhere. We had a gay time in the
playhouse. I plan to invite her in soon." As the next year drew to a close,
Linda wrote this entry: "December 15, 1962. Dear Diary, Today Santa came to
town. I got some candy and M & M’s. Also I got a apple. I was just watching
Leave It to Beaver. Sandy was at her grandma’s so I went over & we had a
small show. So long. Linda"
From mid-December 1962 through February
1963, Linda made no entries in her diary. She resumed writing in early March
1963 and made fourteen entries that month. Then she did not write again
until late May 1963, when our family marked an important event: "May 25,
1963. Today it was Patti Ann’s, Kathy’s, and my new brother’s
birthday. We (Rose V. and I) ate dinner at Pat’s house. After dinner Denny
came over and told me I had a new brother. Boy was I happy. Me again,
Linda"
Like my sister, I used my diary to
record the same happy event: "May 25, 1963. Today, at 10:04 A.M., a baby boy
was born into the Bunkers family. He was weighed in at 7 lb. 12 oz. And will
be called Daniel James & Jim Klein & I will be sponsors. Our new little boy
looks just like Dad & I'll be surprised if we don't start calling him ‘the
little Tony.’ Mom will be able to bring Danny home next week. So till then,
Ta Ta. Sue." More often, however, I used my diary as a sounding board when
things were not going my way. As a twelve-year-old eager to be with friends,
I sometimes complained heartily about my lot in life:
January 31, 1963. Today was the worst
day of my life. Jeanie was sick so we couldn’t go to Alton. I had a
chance to go to Le Mars game with Mary Mc. but I had to babysit at
Angies. Linda was supposed to, but she chickened out & I was all dressed
to go—but she made me go babysit because she bawled till Dad gave me
Hell & called me "asshole" & made me go babysit. and what does Linda get
out of it? She goes along to the farm & now it is 10:00 & I’m sitting
home alone. I am sure mad at her & everyone was growlling at each other
& all I got out of it is a damn good headache & a desire for revenge
(which I shall get, believe me).
A year later my diary entry reflected
that I was suffering from adolescent angst: "February 2, 1964. Today we will
go to Worthington to visit Grandma. Nothing will happen & it will be a dull
day. I just don’t care about anything anymore. I don’t have anything to live
for. Last nite I cried myself to sleep. I can’t go anyplace & I planned on
seeing Gary at Alton over the weekend. Why doesn’t God let me have some fun?
Or good Luck? " But a week later I had recovered enough to write in my diary
about what was for me a major historical event: "February 9, 1964. Today I
was with Sheila, Pat & Gisela. We goofed around & watched the Beatles on T.V.
Wow! I like!" The same day, Linda wrote this entry in her diary: "Dear
Diary, went to Minnesota today & saw Grandma & Ray. Got home in time to see
the Beatles for the first time. Paul, George, John & R I N G O." When the
Beatles made their second appearance on the "Ed Sullivan Show," Linda waxed
enthusiastic, even including stick-figure drawings of the lads from
Liverpool as part of her diary entry: "February 16, 1964. Dear Diary, Went
to Lemars today for a baptism. Got home just in time for the Beatles. Linda
WHOOOOOOOOOOOOOO YA YA YA"
Although we had little privacy in
actuality, the ideal of privacy was important to my sister and me as we
continued writing in our diaries. I kept my diary locked, and I hid the key
in ingenious places, such as under the pincushion in my sewing basket.
Linda, on the other hand, left her diary lying unlocked in her dresser
drawer, which made it easy for me to sneak her diary off to the bathroom
(the only room in our house with a door that locked) so I could browse
through it. My sister had to be more enterprising if she wanted to read my
diary.
Both Linda and I used the "Memoranda"
sections at the back of our diaries to record special kinds of information.
There Linda listed these important events in her life:
2. I received my first communion on
March 23, 1960.
1. I was born October 23, 1952.
3. In second grade year of
school I have one of the main [parts] in a play called The
Little Blue Angel (I was it)
4. Soon I will recive Confermation.
5. I recived Confirmation April 25
The Memoranda section is also where
Linda expressed her feelings about one of her brothers ("Denny is a baby & a
dirty pig") and her friends ("Lois and Patsy and Patty Ann are my best, very
best friends. Lois is my best pal and buddy forever"). In the autumn of 1963
Linda, who had just turned ten, added this bemused observation about her
diary: "By hook by crook I got a mixed up book."
In the Memoranda section of my diary, I
wrote an entry pointing to the future: "To my children, I started writing in
this diary at the age of 10. I am 12 now and the date is Dec. 15, 1962. Some
of the things I have written are crazy, but I was then too. –Suzanne (Suzy)
Bunkers (now but not forever)." More important, the Memoranda section of my
diary was where I could safely record my secrets. In mid-January 1963, my
father’s older brother, Dick, died. My mother, pregnant with my youngest
brother at the time, traveled to Minneapolis for Uncle Dick’s funeral. My
father was ill with an inner ear disorder (and, as I now realize, grief
stricken), and was too sick to accompany her. In my mother’s absence, I
stayed home from school to take care of my father and three younger
siblings. On the evening of my uncle’s death, I wrote this entry on the
final Memoranda page in my diary:
Jan. 16, 1963. Today we learned that
our uncle Dick Bunkers died of a heart attack in Minneapolis. No one
even suspected he was sick. Granma Bunkers wrote in her letter to us
that Dick would take her back to Worthington on Sunday. Dad is just sick
over it. He lost his sense of balance a couple of days ago and has to
stay in bed. He thought he will be well enough to go to the funeral but
Dr. Murphy says no. So mom has to go. I really feel bad too, because he
was so nice, and his family must not have loved him much. I hope his
soul is in heaven because it should be. . . .
A few days later, after my mother had
returned from Uncle Dick’s funeral and confided to me how he had actually
died, I wrote a second entry and hid it on an unused page midway through my
diary:
July 1 Jan. 19,
1963. Mom told me this morning that Uncle Dick committed suicide because
he felt so bad because [his wife] didn't care about him. We each got one
of his holy cards & I asked mom why they were given out because Dick's
soul was in hell. She said that because he was so good all his life that
he would suffer in purgatory for it.
As I reflect on these diary entries
nearly four decades after writing them, I realize how taboo it was in our
staunchly Catholic family to think about, much less write about, the subject
of suicide. I couldn’t talk about my uncle’s death at St. Joseph Catholic
School; our religion teacher had told us that, if a person committed
suicide, his or her soul would go straight down to hell. I couldn’t even
discuss the subject with my sister because my mother had warned me to keep
silent. My second diary entry concluded, "So now I will try and get everyone
to pray for him so he can go to heaven. I wish I could ask Mom more, but I’m
afraid to. No one, not even Linda, is supposed to know how Dick died."
Later that year I wrote a series of
diary entries that dealt with another, even more incomprehensible, event:
November 22, 1963. Today Pres. Kennedy
was killed in Dallas, Texas by Lee Harvey Oswald. Funeral Monday. No
skating tonite.
November 23, 1963. Long weekend ahead.
No school Monday because of funeral. Everyone is really shocked & sorry.
November 24, 1963. Today we stayed
home . . . Lee Oswald, Kennedy’s killer, was killed by Jack Ruby in
Dallas.
November 25, 1963. Today we all stayed
home & watched Kennedy’s funeral. It was so sad. All for now. . . .
December 24, 1963. I'm just sitting
here writing this cause I don't know what to do with myself. It's Xmas
Eve but no one is excited about it. I guess its because of Pres.
Kennedy's death. We didn't send or get as any Xmas cards this year as
others, & I guess that's the reason.
Yet even as I wrote the December 24,
1963, entry, my attention was not focused solely on the national tragedy of
a presidential assassination. This diary entry concluded, "I can't wait till
Jan. 17 for the Floyd Valley--Spalding game. I plan on seeing Gary, but I
have the strangest feeling that he won't be there. I'm keeping my fingers
crossed."
Looking back, I see that my sister’s
and my early diaries resemble those kept by many young girls. We wrote about
family and school activities, household chores, and religious devotions. We
told of babysitting for neighbors’ children, weaving and selling hot pads,
and starting a lucrative nightcrawler business. We wrote about squabbles
with siblings, school activities, and adolescent crushes. We wrote about
historical events and, on occasion, about the need to keep family secrets.
Although my sister and I were keeping our diaries simultaneously, our diary
entries often differed from one another in terms of themes and styles. Linda
began by making short, sporadic entries in her red one-year diary during
1961. Then, like many young diarists, she used blank pages to record entries
from 1962 through 1964. Her grasp of sentence structure and spelling
developed as she grew from age eight to eleven and a half.
I wrote slightly longer, but just as
sporadic, entries during my first year or two of diary keeping. Then, as a
Christmas present in December 1962, I received my second diary–the red
five-year diary. Beginning on January 1, 1963, I wrote daily entries until
this five-year diary was filled and, as I mentioned earlier, I would return
to the one-year diary for longer entries. Both my sister and I found ways to
subvert printed diary formats, and our entries reveal that neither of us
used a set formula in the practice of keeping a diary.
When I reopen my first diary, I do so
carefully, not only because its pages are brittle and its cover fragile but
also because it is my diary, my "safe and cherishing container," as
Woodman has characterized it. Nearly forty years after I first opened the
pages of that diary, I recognize the central role it played in my growing-up
process, in my coming of age, in my evolving perceptions of myself and my
relationships with others. Mary Pipher’s perceptive analysis of the role
that journals play in the lives of girls echoes my experience: "In their
writing, they can clarify, conceptualize and evaluate their experiences.
Writing their thoughts and feelings strengthens their sense of self. Their
journals are a place where their point of view on the universe matters"
(1994, 225).
I invite you to join me in examining my
diary and those of many other Midwestern American girls and women. First, we
will consider the premises underlying this anthology. Next, we will look
into frequently asked questions about the diary and consider useful
frameworks for studying diaries as life writing. Then we will examine themes
common to many of the diaries in this collection, and we will note editorial
principles for this book. Finally, we will read excerpts from the diaries
themselves. As we set out on this journey, I hope you will keep in mind the
lighthearted (and helpful) advice that Jessica Wilber, an adolescent diarist
and author, offers to novice diarists: "Remember that there are only two
rules for keeping a diary:
1. Date every entry, and 2. Don’t make
any more rules" (1996, 4).
* * * * * * * *
Stitching this sampler
All you my Friends that
now expect to see
A Piece of Work thus
perform’d by me,
Cast but A Smile on this
my mean endeavor
I’ll Strive to mend and
be Obedient ever.
--Nineteenth-century
sampler
My study of diaries kept by girls and
women living in Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota since the mid-nineteenth
century has resulted in this anthology of selections from forty-six diaries.
My purpose is twofold: to explore the ways in which diaries can document the
diverse experiences of individuals and families, and to understand the ways
in which diaries have functioned as forms of life writing. I draw on the
metaphor of the sampler, which is appropriate for several reasons. First,
the term sampler can refer to a decorative piece of needlework that
usually has letters or verses embroidered on it in various stitches as an
example of the stitcher’s skill. The word comes from the Latin word
exemplum, meaning something that serves as a pattern for imitation or
record. The word found its way into English via the French word
exemplaire, meaning model, pattern, copy, specimen. Girls and
women in many cultural settings have created samplers, and the sampler found
its way into early American life as a demonstration of various stitches,
designs, and motifs that girls and women could study and then imitate in
future sewing tasks. It is no coincidence that women and girls created most
samplers because they traditionally have done the sewing and fine stitchery
in their families. As a form of material culture, girls and women typically
designed and preserved samplers as evidence of their skill..
Today the word sampler has
additional connotations. One can buy a Whitman’s Chocolates Sampler or send
a Wisconsin Cheese House Sampler as a holiday gift. Sampler is also
used to represent part or a single item from a larger whole or group. The
term can refer to the person doing the collecting, as in one who collects or
examines samples, and it can be used to refer to that which has been
collected, that is, the sample. All these definitions apply to the
selections from diaries that appear in this anthology. The act of keeping a
diary involves the sampling of one’s experiences, followed by the selection
of particular details and the shaping of each diary entry. The act of
editing a diary, whether it be one’s own diary or another person’s, involves
sampling diary entries, then selecting particular entries, often for an
edition or a collection such as this.
Over the years several questions have
guided my study of diaries: Why do diaries have such staying power? What
makes them appealing to writers young and old? What can diaries help us
appreciate about the lives and experiences of those individuals who kept
them? What can diaries tell us, not only about why individuals write in
diaries but also about why they (and others) preserve those diaries and make
them available for others to read and appreciate? Although I do not claim
that this collection will provide definitive answers to these questions, I
hope that it will open the door for further study of the issues they raise.
Considering the diary
What is a diary? When I began my
research, I made a distinction between the diary as a form for recording
events and the journal as a form for introspection, reflection, and the
expression of feelings. Like many others, I have found this to be an
artificial distinction, both as the result of my research and as the result
of my own diary keeping. I found as many kinds of diaries as diarists: a
diary might be kept in a cloth-bound book with lock and key, but it might
just as easily be kept in a spiral notebook, looseleaf paper, or on the back
sides of envelopes. A diary entry might be a brief one-line report of
events, such as those entries found in diaries kept by Maranda J. Cline or
Ruby Butler Ahrens. A diary entry might contain a five-page analysis of
one’s beliefs, attitudes, and desires, such as those entries found in
diaries kept by Sarah Jane Kimball, Emily Quiner, or Ada James. A diarist
might write daily entries, as Lillian Carpenter did; a diarist might write
periodic entries, as Martha Furgerson Nash did; or a diarist might write
sporadic entries, as Maria Morton Merrill did.
Diaries also reflect different kinds of
authorship. Some diaries, like those of Mary Griffith and Elspeth Close,
have individual authors and appear to have been written for the diarist
alone. Some diaries, like those of Sarah Gillespie and Ada James, also tell
us that the diarist permitted certain family members (Sarah’s mother, Ada’s
cousin) to read entries in the diaries. The Hamilton and Holton family
diaries illustrate multiple authorship of diary entries over years and
generations. The Chronicle of the School Sisters of Notre Dame as well as
the Annals of the Sisters of the Third Order of St. Francis illustrate the
communal, or group, diary--written as a community record and preserved in
community archives. It bears repeating: we find as many kinds of diaries as
we do diarists.
A growing scholarly interest in the
diary has resulted in a number of critical studies that explore the nature
of the diary. Rebecca Hogan analyzes the diary as a "text composed of
‘fragments’ which nevertheless flow continually through the days," creating
a text that "is by its very nature open-ended, unfinished and incomplete, in
come cases ending only with the life of the writer" (1991, 100). She
describes the diary as a "paratactic form" [a string of clauses without
connectives] that is "both repetitive and cumulative, each entry discrete
(and discreet), and each entry an addition to the flow of days" (100).
Finally, Hogan defines two kinds of parataxis in the diary: the "even,
horizontal, metonymic flow of events and entries into the diary" that
creates its continuity, and the "series of related items, events and entries
without the use of connecting links" that creates the sense of "discrete,
separate entries’ (104).
The concept of dailiness is useful in
characterizing the diary’s form, especially when taken in the sense that
Bettina Aptheker uses it:
By the dailiness of women’s lives I
mean the patterns women create and the meanings women invent each day
and over time as a result of their labors and in the context of their
subordinated status to men. The point is not to describe every aspect of
daily life or to represent a schedule of priorities in which some
activities are more important or accorded more status than others. The
point is to suggest a way of knowing from the meanings women give to
their labors. The search for dailiness is a method of work that allows
us to take the patterns women create and the meanings women invent and
learn from them. If we map what we learn, connecting one meaning or
invention to another, we begin to lay out a different way of seeing
reality (1989, 39).
In her recent in-depth study of the
diaries of six nineteenth-century American women, Amy Wink defines the
paradox inherent in the diary: "Because the diary is, when we read it, a
completed work, it can be comprehended as a whole. However, it is only by
recognizing the significance of each individual moment of writing that the
larger frame may be understood; conversely, it is in seeing the whole text,
the life represented, that the individual moments show their importance.
What we read is as complex as the chambered nautilus turning upon itself
until its opening" (1996, 14). Margo Culley emphasizes the importance of the
diary as text--a verbal construct characterized by the "process of selection
and arrangement of detail," one that uses such literary strategies as
"questions of audience (real or implied), narrative, shape and structure,
persona, voice, imagistic and thematic repetition, and what James Olney
calls ‘metaphors of self’" (1985, 10).
Kathryn Carter, whose recent work on
unpublished diary manuscripts confirms their importance as a form of life
writing for Canadian women, explains: "In addition to foregrounding a
woman’s relations to the material conditions of writing, and the discourses
available to her at specific moments in history, diaries also highlight the
role of audience, issues of publicity and privacy, and their effect upon the
act of writing" (1997, 20). In examining not only the material conditions of
diarists’ writing but also their uses of such strategies as indirection,
silence, and euphemism, Carter stresses the importance of the manuscript
diary as "currency in a social exchange about history, about community and
communication, about family and friendship" (21).
What makes the diary so intriguing to
readers? I believe that the diary’s appeal can be traced to its
expansiveness and flexibility. The diary can incorporate a variety of
writing styles; it can range from being formal and stylized to
conversational and idiomatic. The diary can envelop a variety of themes; for
example, the need for self-affirmation, the conflict between duty and
desire, the quest for knowledge, the wish to make one’s mark on the world,
the coming to terms with change and loss. Because it is expansive and
flexible, the diary can be studied simultaneously as a historical document,
a therapeutic tool, and a form of literature. The diary can provide valuable
insights into individuals’ self-images, the dynamics of families and
communities, and the kinds of contributions that individuals have made, past
and present. The form and content of a diary are inevitably shaped not only
by its writer’s personality but also by her experience of race, ethnicity,
class, age, sexual orientation, and geographical setting. Circumstances
influence both what a diarist writes and when and why she writes–and what
she does not write.
What strategies are central to the act of
keeping a diary? Joan N. Radner and Susan S. Lanser’s research on coding in
women’s folk culture provides a useful framework for analyzing strategies
that diarists use. Radner and Lanser define code not only as "the
system of language rules through which communication is possible" but also
as a "set of signals–words, forms, behaviors, signifiers of some kind–that
protect the creator from the consequences of openly expressing particular
messages" (23). They emphasize that "because ambiguity is a necessary
feature of every coded act, any instance of coding risks reinforcing the
very ideology it is designed to critique" (3). A diarist’s encoding
strategies might include the use of irony, sarcasm, indirection,
substitution, omission, and trivialization, all of which create ambiguity in
the text. Excerpts from the diaries of Emily Quiner and Gertrude Cairns
illustrate the varied ways in which diarists can use such rhetorical
strategies to reveal and conceal meaning. Sometimes a diarist’s encoding
strategy consists of creating short, simple sentences–diary entries that
conceal as much as they reveal. The diary of Iowa farmer Maranda Cline
illustrates conscious and unconscious encoding, both in the entries she made
and in those made in the same diary by her daughter, Bertie Shellady, in the
days after her mother’s death. Patricia Lorentzen, the granddaughter of
Maranda J. Cline, describes the diary’s paratactic structure this way: " . .
. The ‘Journal’ is a cloth-bound book with leather corner tips on the cover
. . . Some of the pages are ragged and worn on the edges with some of the
text missing. The diary is basically a line-a-day matter of fact recitation
of events, and there appear to me to be no indications of emotion. Births,
deaths, killings, etc. all seem to be mentioned in equally non-colored
language" (personal communication, 1987).
Themes in diaries
What kinds of themes appear in diaries?
Six primary themes, often overlapping and interlocking, appear in the
diaries of Midwestern girls and women in this collection:
1. The need to view the use of one’s
time and energies as worthwhile. As I have noted elsewhere, "it might, of
course, be argued that simply by recording her activities, any writer
asserts the belief that what one does is important, yet the tone of many of
these diaries and journals reveals that their writers felt the need to
explain their activities in detail, not so much as a means of filling pages
but as a way of justifying to themselves that they were using their time
well and that their activities were appreciated by others" (1988, 195). For
instance, Abbie T. Griffin’s diary entries often detail all the sewing and
embroidery work she completed on a given day, whereas Maria Morton Merrill’s
diary entries outline farm tasks such as threshing, harvesting oats and
potatoes, and butchering hogs. In their diaries Emily Quiner and Agnes
Barland McDaniel catalogue the daily work of the nurse; Pauline Petersen
describes the work of a teacher; Maud Hart Lovelace tracks her work as a
writer; Lillian Carpenter describes the difficulties of getting and keeping
a job during the Great Depression.
2. The need for meaningful connections
with other human beings. For many the diary becomes a place where they can
write about relationships with others, thereby validating themselves as
members of families and communities. Often this need for meaningful
connections leads a diarist to fashion a text that members of her family or
community, as well as future generations, can read. Speculating on the role
that keeping a diary may have played in the life of her husband’s
grandmother, Marion Merrill asks, "Could it be that some of Maria’s
loneliness and critical nature, that are shown in the words of the diary,
resulted from finding little companionship in the community and from being
cut off from those she would have enjoyed, because her illness made it
impossible for her to maintain ties with neighbors?" (personal
correspondence, 1987). Like the diary of Maria Morton Merrill, the diaries
of Sarah Pratt, Sarah Gillespie, Sarah Jane Kimball, and Carol Johnson
illustrate how the diary can help the diarist recognize and perhaps fulfill
this need for meaningful relationships. In many cases, as a diarist
continues to write, her diary itself becomes a trusted friend and
confidante. Emily Quiner’s final entry, for instance, addresses the central
role that her diary has played in her life for more than two-and-a-half
years: "It is true, soon I shall bid you adieu faithful friend, after having
gone in your company for nearly two years and a half laying you away among
the relics of my dead past, no more to look upon your pages, save as
reminders of what I have been as chronicled, in you, and what I shall be no
more forever."
3. The need for an outlet for intense
emotions like grief and anger, emotions not usually deemed appropriate for
public expression, particularly by a female. At times the diary functions as
a friend or confidante whom the writer can trust with her innermost feelings
and secrets at turning points in her life. In Opening Up, James W.
Pennebaker examines the question of whether writing in a diary can help an
individual come to terms with emotions that might otherwise be inhibited or
repressed. He explains that not every diarist uses that medium for the
expression of deep emotions. In acknowledging the selectivity and shaping
that are part of the diarist’s process, Pennebaker observes: "Among the
people I have interviewed who have kept intimate and emotional diaries, two
distinctly different patterns have emerged in the ways they maintain their
diaries. One group–of which I am a member–only writes during periods of
stress of unhappiness. If life is plodding along in a fairly predictable
way, people in this group simply have no interest in writing. The second
group, which is less than half the size of the first, writes almost daily.
That is, until traumas strike. During massive stressors, people in this
group stop writing" (1990, 192-193). Such is the case with the diaries of
Margaret Vedder Holdredge, who writes of her loneliness in her husband’s
absence; Martha Smith Brewster, who grieves the death of her young son;
Gertrude Cairns, who recounts the details of her physical and emotional
collapse and recovery; and Sandra Gens, who grieves the death of her father.
4. The need for a forum for commentary
on religion, politics, and world events. Contrary to popular myth,
midwestern girls and women have not been isolated and unaware of world
events; in fact, many have used their diaries to express strong opinions on
social, political, and religious/spiritual issues, as well as the ways in
which such issues are intertwined. Entries in the diaries of Eliza and J.
Talmai Hamilton, Edythe Miller, Gwendolyn Wilson Fowler, and Martha
Furgerson Nash, among others, illustrate the ways in which the diary can
provide a safe place for expressing such points of view.
5. The need to launch a quest that may
involve leaving the home or the homeland, going out into the larger world,
and making one’s way there. Isabella McKinnon’s diary, which recounts the
story of her family’s emigration from Scotland to Wisconsin, illustrates
this theme, as do Jane F. Grout’s diary of her family’s migration from
Wisconsin to Minnesota, Alice Gortner Johnson’s diary of her trip to the
Boundary Waters Canoe Area, and Ruth Van Horn Zuckerman’s diary of her and
her husband’s travels in England. Sometimes the diarist launches a quest
without ever leaving her home as she searches for self-identity. Along with
many others in this collection, the diaries of Sarah Jane Kimball, Sarah
Gillespie, Ada James, and Gertrude Cairns–all kept throughout their writers’
lifetimes–illustrate the central role that the quest plays in girls’ and
women’s diaries and lives.
6. The need for a vehicle for sending
specific messages to one’s intended audience, especially when the diarist
expects others to read her diary. The Chronicle of the School Sisters of
Notre Dame and the Annals of the Sisters of St. Francis fulfill such a
function because in each case the diarist knew that what she wrote would
become part of the archival records of her religious order and might be read
by others as well. Similarly, the Hamilton and Holton family diaries,
written to record the history of several individuals within a family unit,
illustrate the ways in which a diary can serve as a vehicle for transmitting
family history and values from one generation to another.
What does a reader of diaries need to
keep in mind? I need to consider the range of interpretations that an
encoded text can yield. I also need to note that what is not said in a diary
entry can be every bit as important as what is said and that shaping and
selection are integral to the diarist’s task. In Read This Only to
Yourself, her influential study of the letters and diaries of North
Dakota women, Elizabeth Hampsten puts it this way: "[P]rivate writings of
women ask of us, if we wish to read them knowingly, a special inventive
patience. We must interpret what is not written as well as what is, and,
rather than dismiss repetitions, value them especially. ‘Nothing happened’
asks that we wonder what, in the context of a particular woman’s stream of
days, she means by something happening" (4).
In her recent study of the diary,
Alexandra Johnson reinforces the importance of this view: "Invisible
sentences, blank spaces, a line suddenly breaking off. Often these are a
diary’s most intriguing places, the spot where the eye lingers longest"
(107). By attending to what is not there as well as what is, a diligent
reader can easily dispel the stereotype of the diary as a series of
fragmented, haphazard scribbles. Diaries are forms in which their writers’
exacting work cannot always be seen. This does not mean, however, that
selection, shaping, and structuring have played no role in their creation.
As I have noted elsewhere, many diaries are so skillfully "invisibly
mended," to use Jane Marcus’s phrase, that only a very close reading can
reveal what Elaine Showalter has called "ragged edges"–those bits and pieces
that defy tidy inclusion in traditional literary schema (1993, 245). To
become a careful reader of diaries, one must scrutinize the physical formats
of diaries as well as the kinds of entries they contain.
What about privacy and secrecy in a
diary? Although the diary has traditionally been viewed as a "private"
rather than a "public" text, actual diaries reveal that this is a false
dichotomy and that the diary is often both public and private. For many
midwestern girls and women writing since 1850, diaries have not necessarily
been the intensely secretive texts that come to mind when most present-day
readers imagine diaries with little locks and keys. Although many diaries
were private in the sense that they were not published, the writers often
intended to share these texts with family members and/or close friends. Ada
James shared her diary with her cousin Ada Briggs; in fact, the two young
women periodically exchanged and read one another’s diaries, then wrote
"prophecies" for the coming year in them. Sometimes a diary functioned as a
collaborative text, with more than one person writing in it, or with one
family member (often a female) writing what was intended as a family
chronicle as well as an artifact of material culture to be read and
treasured by successive generations. The Hamilton and Holton family diaries
illustrate this type of communal text, as do the chronicles/annals kept by
orders of women religious. In his work on the Holocaust diary, David
Patterson explains that it is "characterized by the human being’s effort to
bring the soul to life through an engagement with the self, not just to get
in touch with one’s feelings but to establish some contact with a truth that
may sustain the life of the soul" (1997, 37). According to Patterson, the
Holocaust diarist, who "writes at the risk of incurring grave dangers,"
senses "a necessity to write" and has a stake in creating a text that "goes
beyond a concern for inner equilibrium to include a communal salvation–or,
failing that, a testimony to and for the sake of the life of a human
community" (37). Because the form is so flexible and adaptable in terms of
purpose and audience, the diary occupies a unique place in literature and
history as a text that can be both personal and communal.
What characterizes the narrative structure
of the diary? Like many other forms of narrative, a diary tells a story;
unlike other forms, however, a diary need not be plot driven. Many diaries
are not, as Helen M. Buss points out in her study of diaries by
nineteenth-century Canadian women. Buss notes a phrase that she has come
across in several diaries: "as they say in novels." She emphasizes the irony
in a diarist’s use of this phrase, given "all the ways in which this and
similar accounts are different from novels, all the ways in which they do
not fulfill the novelistic assumptions of the reader, all the ways in which
they demand a different relationship with the reader" (1993, 57). Some
publishers and readers, however, expect that diaries, like fictional
narratives, must be plot driven to have literary merit, an expectation that
can result in its being forced into a traditional narrative frame, with an
artificial emphasis on "literariness" to the exclusion of other concerns.
The problem, as Kathryn Carter explains, is this: "The concept of a literary
tradition fits uncomfortably with diary writing because it implies literary
motivations and standards which are erroneously applied to the writing found
in diaries. Holding diaries up to literary criteria not only diminishes our
understanding of their writing, it also serves to limit the range of diary
writings made public"(in press, 7).
Judy Nolte Lensink discusses the
related issue of whether a published edition of a diary needs to follow
traditional narrative patterns (i.e., rising action, conflict, climax,
denouement) in order to succeed as a narrative version of a diarist's life.
Temple defines three criteria often that publishers often deem necessary for
gauging the potential worth of a manuscript diary: plot, setting, and
character. She observes: "These three conventional criteria, right out of
high school freshman English, exclude more diaries than they include. Only
if the writer is among the literary elite--Woolf, Nin--do readers accept
more fluidity within the text and its persona" (1989, 77).
Certainly, in its subversion of
traditional narrative techniques and forms, in its uses of interruptions,
eruptions, resistance, and contradiction, the diary reflects its author’s
presence in the text, as evidenced in diverse strategies of
self-representation. Based on my work with unpublished manuscript diaries, I
can affirm that most do not follow a traditional narrative pattern. Rather,
a diary reflects its writer’s sense of purpose and audience as well as its
writer’s choice of narrative strategies (e.g., characterization, setting,
dialogue) appropriate to purpose and audience. When pondering the ways in
which diarists use diverse formats and narrative structures in their texts,
I am mindful of what artist and writer Wanda Gag wrote in one volume of her
adolescent diary, as she reached its final pages on September 18, 1909:
"Poor diary; nearly done with you, am I not? I’d write piles but I have to
save space, because I’d hate to quit writing for a time and I don’t know
whether I can get another book right away (1984, 33-34).
How might cultural mores influence
diary writing? Since the mid-nineteenth century, many diarists have
witnessed and recorded stages in the evolution of cultural norms,
expectations, and opportunities for girls and women. Many diaries have
served as "staging areas" from which diarists can question as well as
conform to gender roles. For instance, in her diary, which she kept from
1876 to1880, Blanche Brackenridge, an adolescent from Rochester, Minnesota,
listed what she called "Knife and Fork Flirtations" in a playful yet
subversive look at "ladylike" behavior.
Like Blanche Brackenridge, many
diarists in this anthology used their diaries to acquiesce to and rebel
against such culture-bound notions as the "doctrine of separate spheres" and
the "cult of true womanhood," which scholars now acknowledge are complicated
by issues of race, class, sexuality, age, region, religion, and other
variables. Carol Coburn and Martha Smith, authors of Spirited Lives,
explain that the doctrine of "separate spheres" and the "cult of
domesticity" were cultural directives that had only limited applicability in
the lives of women religious: "Although historically almost invisible,
American sisters were some of the best educated and most publicly active
women of their time. Talented and ambitious women from working-class and
middle-class backgrounds, regardless of ethnicity, advanced to teaching,
nursing, administration, and other leadership positions in Catholic
religious communities" (1999, 3). Coburn and Smith add that, like many other
American women, "nuns also utilized religious traditions and symbols to
subvert gender limitations and expand their possibilities" (81). Cathy N.
Davidson refers to the "metaphoric and explanatory nature of the separate
spheres" because, as she explains, it has never been clear to her "that
these spheres actually existed in anything like a general, definitive, or,
for that matter, ‘separate’ way in nineteenth-century America or that they
existed in America any more than in other countries or in the nineteenth
century more than in earlier centuries" (445). Davidson continues, "[T]he
binaric version of nineteenth-century American history is ultimately
unsatisfactory because it is simply too crude an instrument–too rigid and
totalizing–for understanding the different, complicated ways that
nineteenth-century American society of literary production functioned"
(445).
How does the diary function as both
text and artifact? Diaries are things--artifacts of material culture as well
as texts. As Kathryn Carter explains, "Diaries foreground the material
conditions of their making and thereby locate the writer as a bodily
presence in a particular time and place . . . Like a photo album or a
scrapbook, the diary is the material trace of a human attempting to place
herself in the context of her immediate culture" (in press, 32-33). When a
diary is considered from this dual perspective–as text and as artifact--a
thorough exploration requires not only analyzing individual diary entries
but also analyzing the size and shape of the diary in an effort to determine
how its physical format might have influenced what was or was not written
and how it was or was not written. It means examining entries in a five-year
diary that refuse to stay within the four tiny lines allotted to them to
determine why the diarist might have needed to circumvent the prescribed
diary format. It means considering how the use of statements such as "I was
unwell today" (which could mean "I had the flu today" but which could also
mean "I was having my menstrual period today" or "I was in labor, about to
deliver a baby today") simultaneously affirm and subvert notions of
"domesticity" and "femininity." It means attending to how all sorts of
"ragged edges" might offer clues about the diarist, her writing process, her
intended audience, and the purpose(s) for which her text was written. It
means "no longer starting from the assumption that I am working with ‘odds
and ends,’ ‘fragments,’ bits and pieces’ of women’s experiences–everything
that has traditionally been relegated to the dustbin of mankind’s
experiences." It also means that "as I read and interpret forms of women’s
‘private’ writing, I choose interpretive pieces; and I cut and shape
them–arranging them into intricate, carefully wrought designs, both
consciously and unconsciously" (Bunkers, 1993, 217).
Setting Boundaries
Why is it worthwhile to study diaries
from this three-state area? This anthology is not the first collection to
include excerpts from diaries by girls and women; several scholarly and
popular studies have to varying degrees included such excerpts. With the
exception of Glenda Riley (who has studied Iowa women) and Elizabeth
Hampsten (who has studied North Dakota women), these studies have focused on
the writings of English women, American women in the eastern and southern
United States, as well as women on the Overland Trail and in the American
West. Moreover, the primary emphasis in some collections has actually been
on retrospective life writing (e.g., memoirs and reminiscences) rather than
on diaries. Recent diary anthologies include the following: Margo Culley’s
A Day at a Time (1985), a collection of excerpts from the published
diaries of twenty-nine American women, 1764 to 1985; Penelope Franklin’s
Private Pages (1986), a collection of excerpts from the diaries of
thirteen American girls and women, 1832 to1979; Steven Kagle’s Late 19th
Century American Diary Literature (1988), a study of the diaries of
twenty-six Americans, nine of whom are women; and Blodgett’s Capacious
Hold-all (1991), a collection of excerpts from the published diaries of
thirty English women, 1571-1970. Daniel Halpern’s collection, Our Private
Lives: (1988), includes excerpts from the texts of thirty-nine
"accomplished writers of prose and/or poetry," ten of whom are women (5).
Charlotte Cole’s collection, Between You and Me (1998), includes
excerpts from the personal diaries and letters of young British women who
have gone on to become successful writers. As these anthologies indicate,
there is clearly a need for this collection, which contributes to the
published literature on diaries of girls and women and which focuses
specifically on diaries written by girls and women living in the three
midwestern states of Iowa, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. To date, insufficient
attention has been paid to manuscript diaries kept by girls and women in
Iowa, Wisconsin, and Minnesota, three midwestern states where social,
political, and geographic change has been swift and pervasive. Iowa became a
state in 1846; Wisconsin followed two years later in 1848; and Minnesota
joined the Union a decade after that, in 1858. In each state, changing
demographics have been a function of communities formed and opportunities
available (or not available) to individuals and groups. Many girls and women
in my sample were born in one of these states; some arrived with their
families; others came on their own and supported themselves as teachers,
nurses, and domestic workers. Scores of their descendants continue to live
in the midwestern United States today.
Factors that have especially influenced
the demographics in these three states include, but are not limited to, the
pre- and post-Civil War influx of European immigrants; the post-Civil War
migration of African Americans to the Midwest, particularly to larger cities
(Milwaukee, Minneapolis/St. Paul, Des Moines, Waterloo) in the three-state
region; the forced "removal" of members of Native American nations from
western Wisconsin as well as from most of Minnesota and Iowa to reservations
in the Nebraska and Dakota Territories; the emphasis on attaining suffrage
and property rights for white women; the effects on individuals and family
units of wars and economic depressions; and the social and political
movements of the mid-to-late twentieth century. While I do not assert that
the three states of Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota constitute a special
geographic or cultural region, I believe that diaries describing the lives
of girls and women in the three-state region can contribute to a broader
perspective on what is called "midwestern life." After all, not everyone in
this part of the world was (or is) living in a little house on the prairie.
What kinds of diaries have I included
in this collection? Quite a variety. Some were kept by girls and women who
have died and whose families kept their diaries or donated them to
historical society archives. A number of modern diaries remain in the
possession of the diarists. Several of these contemporary diaries are kept
by diarists who know me and who, as the result of our acquaintance, have
developed a trust in my ability to present their diary excerpts accurately
and empathetically. My intent in compiling this collection has been to
create a sampler, not to complete a scientific study. Subjectivity and
empathy have been and continue to be cornerstones of my work. As I have
noted elsewhere, "My work on women’s ‘private’ diaries and journals does not
take place in a vacuum. It occurs within the context of my own daily journal
keeping, my own letter writing. It occurs within the context of enduring and
not-so-enduring relationships, changes in daily responsibilities,
alterations in mind-set and habit" (1993, 219).
Since 1985, when I began to collect
diaries for this book, I have made several modifications and refinements in
my initial research plan. During the early stages, I planned to limit the
scope of this book to diaries written from approximately 1840 to1900 and
already donated to historical society archives. As my study continued,
however, I recognized the arbitrary nature of that plan. Twentieth-century
diaries by midwestern American girls and women are equally as compelling and
revealing as those by nineteenth-century diarists. For this reason I
expanded the collection to include a number of recent, even contemporary,
diaries. Moreover, many girls and women who began their diaries during the
late nineteenth century continued writing in their diaries into the
twentieth century (e.g., Maranda J. Cline and Ada L. James). Some diaries
were begun in one geographical setting and completed in a different setting
(e.g., the diaries of Sarah Pratt, Isabella McKinnon, and Gwendolyn Wilson
Fowler). Several diaries were begun by girls and became lifelong
autobiographical enterprises (e.g., the diaries of Sarah Jane Kimball, Sarah
Gillespie, and Gertrude Cairns). All these realizations required that I
expand my initial plan. The result is, I believe, a larger and richer
collection than I had first anticipated.
Whose diaries are included in this
collection? I found that the girl or woman most likely to have kept a diary
in the years since 1850 was a third-, fourth-, fifth-, or sixth-generation
Euro-American with adequate economic resources and some access to education.
Several diaries in this collection were written by girls and women who had
the time and resources accorded by family wealth and white privilege (e.g.,
Etta Call, Gertrude Cairns, Margaret Vedder Holdredge). At the same time, a
number of the diaries were written by white working-class girls and women
(e.g., Jennie Andrews, Abbie Griffin, Lillian Carpenter); one diary was
written by a Euro-American immigrant (Isabella McKinnon) and another by the
daughter (Pauline Petersen) of two immigrants. Two diaries (those by
Gwendolyn Wilson Fowler and Martha Furgerson Nash) were written by
middle-class African American women. Poor and wealthy farm girls and women
(Sarah Gillespie Huftalen, Jane F. Grout, Antoinette Porter King, Jennie
Andrews, Ruby Butler Ahrens), a group that has traditionally defied
categorization by class, wrote several of the diaries.
Whose diaries have been saved and
preserved, either privately by family members or publicly in historical
society archives? Whether a girl’s or woman’s diary was saved and deemed
worthy of inclusion in historical society archives, I found, often depended
not on who the diarist was but on whose mother, wife, daughter, or sister
she was. Several diaries that I have studied (e.g., those by Emily Quiner,
Gertrude Cairns, Dorothea Barland, Agnes Barland McDaniel) are not
catalogued under the diarist’s name but under the name of the family of
which she was a member. Certainly, the politics and procedures of manuscript
acquisition, cataloguing, and accessibility have constituted an important
concern in my research and have led to my determination to make little-known
diaries by midwestern girls and women more readily available to teachers,
students, and the general reading public. That is one reason I have included
several diaries (such as those of Ruby Butler Ahrens, Ruth Van Horn
Zuckerman, Carol Johnson, and Sandra Gens) that remain in the possession of
family members, friends, or the diarists themselves.
What is useful about studying today’s
as well as yesterday’s diaries? A new strand of my research is the study of
diaries being kept right now, at the beginning of the twenty-first century.
The growing popularity of diary keeping among adolescent girls has resulted
not only from their writers’ wider access to historical diaries but also
from the introduction of diary/journal writing to elementary and
middle-school curricula. This collection includes excerpts from the diaries
of seven girls who kept diaries during the 1990s. Some excerpts are
intensely introspective, while others are descriptive and/or analytical.
While not intended to present a comprehensive picture, these seven diaries
by midwestern American girls provide timely glimpses into the world of
today’s adolescents.
Today diaries can be found not only in
libraries and archives but also in restaurants and coffee shops. Consider,
for instance, the "Coffee Hag" in Mankato, Minnesota, where the proprietors,
Patti Ruskey and Lisa Coons, set out blank notebooks in which customers are
encouraged to write down their thoughts. For several years customers have
filled volumes of these communal texts, penning observations on daily life,
love and friendship, social and political issues, and even service ("I wish
the Coffee Hag was open on Mondays. That’s when I need my caffeine the
most!"). The volumes of the "Hag Bible," as it is called, are lying on
tables, and customers are invited to read and/or write (or sketch) as much
or as little as they wish. After penning an entry on June 24, 1999, one
customer added, "Thanks for being my journal for the day."
The recent explosion of communication
via electronic media has resulted in hundreds of diaries being kept on the
World Wide Web. When one analyzes what it means to keep one’s diary on the
Web, thereby making each entry accessible to a potentially huge
international readership, reconceptualizing the diary and the act of diary
keeping itself becomes even more important. Questions of purpose and
audience inevitably become far more complex. Why? Because time-worn
assumptions that the diary is being kept only for the diarist and that it is
an intensely secretive and private enterprise are unworkable when exploring
the phenomenon of the online diary. "Gingko," who lives in
Brookfield, Wisconsin, keeps her diary on line: "Dreaming Among the Jade
Clouds," is at > When I asked her how she began keeping a diary on line and
what motivates her to do it that way, she replied: "I saw a journal an
online friend had and figured that if she could do it, so could I. At that
point I'd been completely unaware of the large number of online journals in
existence and thought people might think me rather strange for doing it, but
the idea of keeping a journal in a digital medium fascinated me, and it
seemed like a cool way to share my journal with friends again without having
to mess with the post office. Because I've always loved including images in
my journals and because my handwriting is truly atrocious, an html journal
struck me as the ultimate blank notebook. (That ‘ultimate blank notebook’
was the main reason for starting it, and it seemed to make sense to use it
on my website instead of keeping it hidden just for myself on my hard
drive)." All Web sites above were last accessed on 15 August 2000.
Thoughts on theory
Since the mid-1970s, we have seen an
intensive reexamination of the lives and writings of nineteenth- and
twentieth-century American girls and women. Central to this reexamination is
the acknowledgment that autobiographical texts can offer one of the most
reliable sources of information about what individuals’ lives were like and
how individuals viewed themselves, their relationships with others, and
their experiences. Clearly, the traditional definition of autobiography as a
"coherent shaping of the past," offered by Roy Pascal in 1960, has proved
inadequate because it has failed to take into account such forms as the
diary, letter, memoir, and personal essay–all forms of autobiography
commonly used by girls and women. Contemporary theoreticians in the
burgeoning field of life studies emphasize the need to cast a wider net when
studying forms of life writing, and the examination of diaries is a central
part of the formulation of a more inclusive and useful definition of
autobiography.
The intersections of poststructuralist
literary theory, feminist theory, social history, and ethnographic theory
continue to shape theoretical frameworks for studying the diary as a form of
life writing and add texture to questions posed earlier in this introductory
essay. Marlene Kadar defines contemporary life writing as a evolving
continuum influenced by the reader's as well as the writer's perspectives:
"Life writing comprises texts that are written by an author who does not
continuously write about someone else, and who also does not pretend to be
absent from the [black, brown, or white] text himself/herself. Life writing
is a way of seeing, to use John Berger's famous phrase" (1992, 10).
According to Kadar, life writing can present simple or complex narratives
and subvert traditional narrative strategies. The goal of the life writer is
to minimize distance between writer and reader. The diarist often crosses
generic boundaries and disciplines, with the result that life writing
becomes "the playground for new relationships both within and without the
text, and most important, it is the site of new language and new grammars"
(152).
Like Kadar, Liz Stanley emphasizes
experimentation in contemporary life writing, underscoring the ways a
writer's and theorist's concern with the details of particular lives debunks
the notion that there is one version of Woman’s Life and Experience. Stanley
continues: "Both biography and autobiography lay claim to facticity, yet
both are by nature artful enterprises which select, shape, and produce a
very unnatural product, for no life is lived quite so much under a single
spotlight as the conventional form of written auto/biographies suggests"
(1992, 3-4). By emphasizing the selective nature of what is included and
what is excluded, Stanley highlights the necessary role of narrative
conventions as well as experimentation with such conventions: "A concern
with auto/biography shows that ‘self’ is a fabrication, not necessarily a
lie but certainly a highly complex truth: a fictive truth reliant on
cultural convention concerning what ‘a life’ consists of and how its story
can be told both in speech and, somewhat differently, in writing" (243).
Along with Liz Stanley, Evelyn Hinz
uses the term auto/biography to describe a text that is both
biography and autobiography. The appeal of auto/biography today, explains
Hinz, "is best understood through an awareness of its ritual nature and in
terms of how it answers to spiritual needs: the need for role models who
inspire feelings of 'pity and fear' by reason of the limited stage upon
which they perform, the need to face mortality and the need to establish a
living connection with the past" (1992, 209).